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20121201
20121231
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by fire about general george armstrong custer. our guest is louise barnett. we thank you for joining us. >> guest: thank you area match. >> now, william souder recounts the life of dick darman. she offered an indictment of insecticides including ddt in her book, "silent spring" published in 1962. following the publication, ddt was banned and the environmental protection agency created. this year marks the 50th anniversary of the publication of "silent spring." this is a little over an hour. [applause] >> thank you. thank you overcoming tonight to this wonderful facility. i love coming here. i always remind these guys are so fortunate to work at the national conservation training center. it's a really terrific facility. nice to be back here. nice to see all of you. i guess and the warm-up act for the presidential debate later tonight. i promise no spin and i promise to finish in time so that those of you who can't get enough of politics will be able to go see it, although i don't know who that would be at this point. i'm sure we all want to see the debate, so we will finish on time for
at princeton university, we co-taught a course on ethics and public policy, and that led to us co-authoring several books on deliberation and democracy. >> host: in the spirit of compromise, president, you give two examples, the tax reform and the health care act. if you would, walk us through that. >> guest: so this is a tale of two compromises, and it begins with ronald reagan, presidency, where tax reform was a humanly important issue, and hugely difficult issue to get done between republicans and democrats. those of us who lived through the reagan era recognized people thought they were polarized. tip a stanch liberal democrat, reagan, a republican. yes, they crafted a bipartisan compromise with bradley, packwood, be part of the movers of the compromise. farce -- fast forward to the affordable care act, it was arguably for difficult to craft a compromise within one party, the democratic party, because of the permanent campaign, and not just polarized, but resistance how the two parties were. the comparison between the tax reform act and the affordable care act helps to see how
over the fiscal cliff and will take almost every american with us. almost every family that pays taxes now will pay higher taxes. people's jobs will immediately be put in jeopardy, unemployment compensation will end for more than 2 million people, our defenses will be decimated by cuts that will put us in a position of accepting really unacceptable risks to our security, title 1 programs of education for low-income children will be cut dramatically, most people, including the congressional budget office, our own congressional budget office, say that the combination of tax increases along with the decreased spending required under the budget control act will push our economy back into recession in the new year. so i don't agree that no deal is better than a bad deal. in this case, i repeat, no deal is the worst deal because it allows our country to go over the fiscal cliff and really hurts almost every american family in our country, in our economy, as a whole. this shouldn't be a surprise to us. it's not as if, if i could use the metaphor, that congress was going along in a bus and --
, then the sequestration across-the-board cuts kick back n of course the final word rests right here with us in congress. o.m.b.'s decision with be overridden by a joint resolution. every provision of the calm act o the senate. in fact, at one time or another, nearly every feature of this plan has been offered by both republicans and democrats, including president obama and speaker boehner. all i've done is pull them together to offer them has a compassionate alternative to what happens if we go over the fiscal cliff. true, from the very beginning i have favored a comprehensive solution to put our fiscal house in orderings something along the lines of the simpson-bowles. we don't have that luxury right now. but perhaps it will only soften the blow of the fiscal cliff but also give us a sense of urgency about a grand bargain to repair our financial house. i am not so naive as to believe everybody is going to check their politics at the door, even at this late hour, but this is not a time for politicking, bickering or partisan games. to allow the country to plunge over the fiscal cliff without any alternativ
shifted. these terms are precise or scientific, but it's still useful constructs for thinking about what changed in 1962. environmentalism is different in several important ways. it's a little more pessimistic, not nearly as forward-looking and are much more immediate, urgent and dyer and with the evolution of environmental thinking, we begin to focus more and more on ourselves come over before the species of concern may be a fish or bird or species of some kind or for his spirit must rethink about the environment and our place an icon of the species of concern became honest. what we were doing to the environment and to ourselves in the process. so i think when we look back five decades in the rearview mirror, we can actually see the beginnings of this change in the way we think about the natural world. i call rachel carson a tipping point between these two things. she had a strong presence in the conservation movement and was really an effect founder of the modern environmental movement. i think it's possible to point to a specific movement in time when that happened, when we begin to t
falk. all my father left us early. lost or stolen or strayed and my mother raised us and i spent time in an orphanage when i was an infant. my mother raised us on their own my generation was the first generation to go to college. she is a hell of a lot smarter than i am in dishy wanted to get a high-school but there was none to go to at that time. she wanted us to get educated. >>host: when do you being interested in public policy? >> i started to do legal history and michigan. with the draft enacted to the civil war. with all of the materials generated from agencies have the power is exercised how do the powerless get people to listen to them? because when you go to use in antonio texas the first commission held with latinos that i write about nobody answers-- listens to them and kids worse days kicked at a school because spanish as a dirty language. the conditions were awful. or if you read about otis do was and were run over by a car and the commission was sent to him because he was a korean war veteran. they stopped the car and shot him for no reason. later it was because he was b
rich, rats, cross-country , the throw you don't know, and the one that brings us here, my american revolution. in mine and humble opinion each of these books is its own line and masterpiece. wonderfully idiosyncratic, uniquely incisive. each is an investigation of the american my state and song skate into relative with the american landscape. fleet contends the obvious, whether a garbage dump comes or the species despise rodents or family richard or a transcendental and back and allows us to see what we didn't and will we couldn't will we didn't want to, the spiritual, historical, and is essential connections that exposed, so vert, demolish are comfortable presumptions and require us to perceive people and places and, yes, ra t s with fresh eyes. i have been amazed, enlightened, educated, entertained. none more so than my american revolution. until i read his book, i thought i was reasonably conversant for college graduate of 40 years ago about the american revolution. the war we all know, but mostly in massachusetts, virginia, and the carolinas. war in which the high road, no army
sullivan is not the robert sullivan who is with us this evening. not exactly, but more about that in a moment. first this robert sullivan is the author of seven extraordinary books, meadowlands, the whale hunt, how do not to get rich, rats, cross-country, the thoreau you don't know and the one that brings us here to delancey st., "my american revolution." in my humble opinion each of these books is in its way a masterpiece. wonderfully idiosyncratic, uniquely incisive, e. tizon investigation of the american mindscape and sulzgeber related with the american landscape. each confronts the obvious, where there are garbage drunk -- garbage dump or a family road trip or a transcendental windbag and allows us to see what we didn't and what we couldn't and that we did not want to, the spiritual, historical, existential connections that expose, subvert, demolish presumptions and require us to receive people and places and yes, rats with fresh eyes. i've been amazed, enlightened, educated and contained by robert sullivan's books, none more so than "my american revolution." until i read
, in afghanistan people are watching the u.s. presidential inauguration. they've all come there. there is a big crowd on the mall. ayaan going to speak to you today about this great historic subject, this great american institution. and i am going to do it in the same way in which i organized the book. the book is not chronological. it's not divided that starts off with george washington and then john adams and guinn for the president. instead, its slash the various parts of the day, and within each part of the day i sprinkle with vignettes some of the very serious and some of them traditional. a lot of them are all events because i'm always looking for those. i'm also going to cover some things that we are not going to see in the of coming inauguration in january because this time we don't have a change of power so we are not going to have that transition as we see sometimes but nevertheless at inauguration when a president does leave office here is the white eisenhower thinking the staff at the white house. at the same time the incoming president they are leaving the house getting ready for t
around the country, paris, barack, afghanistan, people are watching the u.s. presidential inauguration. they have all come there. there is a big crowd of a mall. of going to speak to you today about this great historic subject to my great american institution the end of not -- i'm going to do it in the same way in which i organize the book rather, the book is not chronological, it's not divided up. this touch of a george washington in mid john adams and went to the president in order. instead is divided up by the various parts of the day. within each part of the day i sprinkle in vignettes. some of them very serious, some of them, of course, very traditional command a lot of them on all events because i'm always looking for those, too. i'm also going to cover some things that were not going tessie in the upcoming in a garish in january because this time we don't have a change of power. we're not going to have the transition as we see some times. nevertheless, in the morning at inaugurations when a president does leave office, 1961, here is toyed d. eisenhower thinking the staff at the
us. i think the things we don't do is to think about where we have the most people the fastest. thinking about per capita returns on investment, and i think that our biggest weakness as a nation is community colleges. it's the skill gap that we have left open, left wide open between the industries that we are holding onto as we compete globally and how well we have done educating the people to take their place in the economy, and i would hope that whatever agenda comes forward we have an agenda that is deeply, deeply focused on adult learning, and of education, community colleges and finding more ways for people to constructively enter the economy. >> counselor? >> i would concur on those points. i'm grateful i live in a state that has a governor deval patrick and living in a country with president barack obama. one of the reasons you just stated in creating better access to both educational opportunities and health care which is eliminating all of those other disparities. it's important we not upset about the 99% of the 47% and just remember that there are people behind all of
. said to use collection contains (101)763-1783 examines reports from the sugar 1764 to that of the concorde and. it's about one hour 15 minutes. >> it's an honor to speak here at the old state house. thank you for coming. thank you of the tv and c-span for joining us here. about three weeks into the design of reporting the revolutionary war, we realized we were on pace to produce an 800 page, two-inch thick volume. so we quickly cut corners and retrace our steps and decided to kill back and produce what is now a 400 page full-color book for you. similarly, i prepared a five-hour presentation for you this evening and decided to scale back back to a more manageable 45 minutes. so i will start by saying that without newspapers, there would no american revolution. newspapers would fans rebellion. the same royalty to the cause and provide critical correspondence during the war and ultimately aided in the outcome. historians knows very well. for 200 plus years, historians have referenced these newspapers in the footnotes of their analysis and interpretation. what this book
rights and continuing struggle for freedom in america. mary frances berry, when did the u.s. civil rights commission began and why? >> guest: well, the civil rights commission started in 1957. president eisenhower had a lot of discussions with john foster dulles, secretary of state about the way the united states is seen around the world because of the racism going on, that people would hear about and read about and the fact that there seemed to be a lot of episodes that kept happening, whether as lynching or some discrimination taking place in the country. so the idea was eisenhower said he was going to ask congress to set up a civil rights commission, which would put the facts on top of the table. i'm told by one of the people who was at the meeting that he slammed the table and said there are the facts on top of the table. and commission says we know who do policy sometimes set up because there's a tough problem and people don't want to do anything about it. they get a report on it goes away. this commission was supposed to put the facts on top of the table and then its future would de
of the salvation army and changing the role in the u.s.. islamic the salvation army which many people don't realize is an evangelical religious group, not just a group that rings bells outside of department stores in the christmas season it's what they call the cathedral of the open air and would go into areas especially impoverished areas would have parades' and make lots of malaise the symbols trying to attract especially the urban poor back into the religious life. this came against the requirements of many cities that any trade would be permitted, for exhibit, and in the salvation army they made it a practice not to apply and to be arrested often playing their instruments on the way into the cell and challenging them as antireligious, and they won a lot of them. they also lost a lot of them so they kind of destabilized the law in the states by challenging these restrictions. they never really needed to the supreme court of the united states the because the states were still in howard. >> professor gordon, when did the first major religious case come before the supreme court? >> the cases from t
trouble. >> host: what was one of the cases, walk us through. >> guest: an interesting case called cantwell against connecticut involved a group of witnesses that had gone into a catholic neighborhood in new haven on a sunday morning and began playing anti-catholic records on portable phonographs and distributing literature, and they were arrested for disturbing the peace and preaching without a permit, and appealed their case all the way to the supreme court which said that because connecticut said, well, individual city administrators would decide what a valid program was for religious organizations and would allow them or not on to the streets, they said that allows too much discretion by the state government, and they applied for the first time part of that first amendment, this time, the free exercise clause, as against the state of connecticut, and overturned their law that allowed city officials to license or not as they saw fit. >> host: and did that lead to any nationwide movements, or was it a well publicized case at the time? >> guest: it was a relatively well publicized
in the u.s.? >> guest: well, one of the issues that i try to deal with in the book is the process by which slavery ended, and the geographical reach of slavery. i think the view that tends to be handed down is by the 19th century, certainly, a country neatly divided between the so-called free states and the so-called slave state, and, of course, the civil war growing out of that conflict. my issue is not whether slavery's at the root of the civil war, which it certainly was, but what interested me was the relationship between the early emancipation of slaves in the northern states, and the later emancipation of slaves much larger in scale in the southern states. slavery was legal in all of the british colonies and all of north america at the end of the 18th century, and gradually, northern states and northeast and mid an lat tick states began to abolish slavely, but i learned it was a gradual process. it took a long time. what we discoveredded there were laves in new jersey in 1860, and most of the states that abolished slavery between 1780 and 1804, the period we customarily looked at, ha
of the revolutionary war, which separated us from our mother country, but if you recall, i know you weren't there then, but if you recall it -- historically speaking our founding fathers crafted a compromise that created the constitution. they were as polarized as any set of americans who had been throughout our country and history. there were a pro and anti slavery and yet they compromised. so, yes, we were founded in compromise. today compromise has become more difficult than ever before. >> what do you mean when you talk about the uncompromising mindset? >> well, we live in an era that has been characterized as a permanent campaign where every day is election day. and campaigning and elections make for uncompromising line sets. you stand on your principles to mobilize your base, draw in endless amounts now of money. the 24 / seven news cycle covers politics as if it is a horse race in the horses are on steroids in this terrorist of the money is coming in to fund the campaign. so what we mean by the uncompromising mindset is a mindset that is geared toward elections and not toward governing. >> you
our politics today, and that divide us so. so that was the goal. that's the mission as it were, but what are the big issues? one of the issues that a history of strom thurmond's americaspeaks to? we remember, a lot of us remember who strom thurmond was. strom thurmond was a 1948 presidential candidate. strom thurmond was one of the lead authors of the 1956 southern manifesto. this is the protest the supreme court decision in the brown v. board of education decision 1954. strom thurmond is a recordholder to this day of the longest one man filibuster. and again his work pashtun and the guinness book of world records, 24 hours and 18 minutes he spoke against the 1957 civil rights bill. we remember strom thurmond today as one of the last of the jim crow demagogues. and he was. he was that. he was one of the last jim crow demagogue. what we forget about thurmond is that he was also one of the first of the sun belt conservatives. what do i mean by that? what's a sun belt conservative? the sun belt, it's one of the big stories, one of the major stories in the history of 20th century a
know about slavery in the u.s.? >> well, one of the issues i try to deal with in the book is the process by which slavery ended and the geographical reach of slavery. the view that tends to be handed down is by the 19th century certainly of the country neatly divided between the so-called free states and the so-called slave states and the civil war growing out of the conflict. my issue is not whether slavery is at the root of the civil war, which is certainly was, but what interested me was the relationship between the early emancipation of slaves in the northern states and the leader emancipation much larger in scale in the southern states. slavery was legal in all of the british colonies and all of north america at the end of the 18th-century, and gradually northern states, northeast and mid-atlantic states abolished slavery but i realized this was a gradual process that took a long time. that what we discovered as there was leaves a new jersey in the 1860's, and most of the states that abolished slavery between c-17 80 and 1804 which is the period that we customarily lo
czech, u.s. navy, monroeville. commander job w. price, u.s. navy, potts town. major wesley james hinckley, united states army, cumberland city. i yield back to the senior senator. mr. casey: mr. president? the presiding officer: the senior senator from pennsylvania. mr. casey: i want to thank senator toomey for reading the first half of our names. i'll continue with 20 more names. sergeant derrick lee shanfield, united states marine corps, hastings, pennsylvania. sergeant first class robert james fike, united states army. sergeant first class brian allen hoover, united states army, west elizabeth. sergeant joseph davis caskey, united states marine corps, pittsburgh. lance corporal joshua thomas twigg, united states marine corps, be indiana. corporal joshua alexander hartin, united states army, bethlehem. lance corporal ralph john fabree, united states marine corps. staff sergeant david g. weigel, united states army, philadelphia, pennsylvania. corporal eric michael torbit, jr., united states marine corps, lancaster. corporal gerald lee king, united states army, eerie. sergeant ro
Search Results 0 to 19 of about 20